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Abstract Resumen
The political system in which it is possible to observe the similarities
El sistema político en el que es posible observar las similitudes y
and differences between groups for and against presidential candidates
diferencias entre los grupos a favor y en contra de los candidatos
based on processes of negotiation, mediation, conciliation and presidenciales basados en procesos de negociación, mediación,
arbitration around the management and administration of Information conciliación y arbitraje en torno a la gestión y administración de las
Technologies and Communication is known as governance. This is a
Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación se conoce como
growing phenomenon as local or federal elections approach and digital
gobernanza. Este es un fenómeno en crecimiento a medida que se
networks are exacerbated as instruments for the promotion or acercan las elecciones locales o federales y las redes digitales se
dissuasion of a candidate. In this sense, the objective of the study was exacerban como instrumentos para la promoción o disuasn de un
to optimize the Governance instrument of the Cyber Political Culture
candidato. En este sentido, el objetivo del estudio fue optimizar el
of Carreón (2016) in order to pay the reliability and validity of it; explore instrumento de la Cultura Ciber-Política de Carreón (2016) para pagar
the relationship between preferences and expectations regarding la confiabilidad y validez de la misma; explore la relación entre las
voting intentions in a non-probabilistic sample of students using digital preferencias y las expectativas con respecto a las intenciones de voto
networks. From a structural model it was found that the consensus en una muestra no probabilística de estudiantes que usan redes digitales.
expectation factor determined the intentions to vote. The scope and
A partir de un modelo estructural se encontró que el factor de
limits of the exploratory factor analysis of main axes with a simple and expectativa de consenso determinó las intenciones de votar. Se discuten
oblique promax rotation regarding the confirmation of an orthogonal el alcance y los límites del alisis factorial exploratorio de los ejes
structure are discussed. principales con una rotación promax simple y oblicua con respecto a
la confirmación de una estructura ortogonal.
Keywords: Internet, representations, preferences, expectations,
intentions, model.
Palabras clave:
Internet, representaciones, preferencias, expectativas,
intenciones, modelo.
Governance of electoral preferences,
consensus and voting intention
Gobernanza de las preferencias electorales, consenso
e intencn de voto
E
NRIQUE
M
ARTÍNEZ
-M
UÑOZ
1
, M
ARÍA DE
L
OURDES
M
ORALES
-F
LORES
2
Y CRUZ GARCÍA-LIRIOS3,4
Recibido: Junio 19, 2018 Aceptado: Noviembre 6, 2018
_________________________________
1 UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DEL ESTADO DE HIDALGO. Carr. Pachuca - Actopan Km. 4.5, Campo de Tiro. C.P. 42039. Pachuca de Soto, Hgo., xico
Tel. (01 771) 717-2000.
2 UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO. Escuela Nacional de Trabajo Social. Avenida Universidad 3000, C.U. Ciudad de México.
C. P. 04350. Tel. (01 55) 5622-8771.
3 UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO. Unidad Académica Profesional Huehuetoca. Cuatro Milpas 197, Benito Juárez, Nezahualcóyotl,
Estado de México. C. P. 57000. Tel. (55) 57437003.
4 Dirección electrónica del autor de correspondencia: cgarcial213@profesor.uaemex.mx
Educación y Humanidades Artículo arbitrado
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ENRIQUE MARTÍNEZ-MUÑOZ, MARÍA DE LOURDES MORALES-FLORES Y CRUZ GARCÍA-LIRIOS: Governance of electoral preferences, consensus
and voting intention
T
Introduction
he objective of the research was to establish the reliability and validity of an
instrument that measures expectations and intentions of voting in a sample of Internet
students in order to establish the linear relationships that determine the decision to
vote based on perceptions related to costs and benefits, as well as expectations of insecurity of
citizens and distrust of their authorities regarding the management and administration of public
safety.
In the framework of presidential elections, the
system of negotiation, mediation, conciliation and
arbitration between actors involved in the
management and administration of public resources
and services is known as governance. In the case of
an early electoral contest, governance is a
phenomenon that reflects electoral preferences,
perceptions of consensus and intentions to vote for
parties, candidates and democratic systems.
In the case of the effects of the anticipated
electoral contest in digital networks such as Facebook,
Twitter, YouTube or Instagram, these are assumed as
instruments for the promotion of candidates and
political platforms. It is a proselytist that generates
expectations and voting intentions based on electoral
preferences, perhaps established in traditional media
such as television, radio, newspapers or films, but
when filtered through digital networks, they
propitiate a scenario of electoral debate that, for the
purposes of the present study allow a diagnosis of
the relationship that these determining factors of the
elections in the near future.
Social psychology, through the models of
reasoned action and planned behaviour, has
influenced the construction of an information
psychology (Abu et al., 2014). Both models start from
the assumption that behaviour is determined by the
relationship between beliefs, attitudes, perceptions
and intentions (García, 2007). It is a process that, in
the context of the information generated on the
Internet, explains consumer decisions based on
rational, deliberate, planned and systematic
processing.
However, psychosocial models have been
modified to adjust their relationships to information
processing on the Internet. These are the cases of the
Technology Acceptance Model, the Trade Adoption
Model and the Electronic Consumption Model (Gamal
and Gebba, 2013). These models have incorporated
the psychosocial variables of beliefs, attitudes,
perceptions and intentions that were proposed to
explain efficient, effective and effective behaviour
(García, 2008).
Although Internet access is concomitant with the
increase of users of social networks, these focus on
Facebook and Twitter not only for ease of use, but
also for the usefulness of their protocols when it
comes to disseminating personalized information
(Sandoval and Saucedo, 2010). Social networks are
personalized instances of information, but the
information disseminated in them requires
computational skills, search and information
processing skills, as well as storage and dissemination
capacities (Teh et al., 2010).
Consequently, the digital divide involves not only
differences between those who access digital media
and those who are marginalized or excluded, it
connotes differences between Internet users seeking
information for their entertainment and Internet
users who process information for their knowledge
and innovation (Fenoll, 2011).
Whereby Internet users are attached to a system
of academic or professional training that forces them
to seek information and process it to show
meaningful learning (Wong et al., 2013).
The relevance of beliefs understood as general
categories of information extends to the formation
of defined attitudes such as specific categories of
information, perceptions of catastrophe risk or
perceptions of usefulness of information assumed as
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expectations that allow to anticipate scenarios of
uncertainty, as well as the intentions of using the
Internet to most likely process the information that
is generated.
It is the relationships between the psychosocial
variables that make relevant their inclusion in the
psychological informational models because they
explain the information processing of events distant
or close to the daily life of Internet users (Yaghoubi
and Bahmani, 2010). In this way, the reception of
real-time information is a major factor in planning
strategies or lifestyles that lessen the impact of
catastrophes.
However, the tendency of the informational
psychological studies is to specify the psychosocial
variables since the beliefs are very general
categorizations and could not anticipate specific
behaviours, although the attitudes are more delimited
categorizations, they require of information
perceived to activate decisions of immediate action
(García et al., 2013).
Precisely because the intentions are decisive
probabilities of carrying out a rational, deliberate,
planned and systematic action, they predict the
emergence of behaviour, but the information
generated on the Internet leads to a more emotional
than rational process (García et al., 2013).
It is for this reason that the study of intentions
with emotional and rational dimensions seems
to be more pertinent in an unpredictable and
incommensurable scenario as would be the electoral
contests (García et al., 2013).
The measurement of political culture in areas
such as electronic networks has been carried out by
Carreón (2016) who proposed the Political
Cyberculture Scale (ECP-21) to explain the linear
relationship of three dimensions related to the
expectations and intentions of I vote in scenarios of
insecurity and before political contests in digital
networks.
However, the reliability and validity of the general
scale (alpha of, 680) and the subscales were low
(alphas of 652, 690 and 670 respectively) so that
adaptation to closer electoral scenarios can increase
their properties psychometric (Dorantes, 2014).
Precisely, in the process of building an electoral
agenda, understood as a scenario in which
expectations, dispositions and intentions of citizens
converge with respect to the image, reputation and
prestige of the authorities, a scenario is created that
encompasses the effects of political campaigns in the
preferences and suffrages of younger electorate and
reliable user of electronic networks such as Facebook,
Twitter, SnapChat, Instagram, YouTube and WhatsApp
(Paniagua, 2007).
In this sense, the electorate that attends more to
discourses than to images has been formed in a culture
of reasoning rather than the political image, but in
relation to its authorities, when this culture of
information verification and the contrast of ideas is
exacerbated, generates a symbolic process that
justifies the implementation of resources external to
the institutions (Chihú, 1997)
In such a scenario corruption is processed as an
inherent part of the political culture, which is why
the campaigns of denunciation, confrontation and
promotion of honesty have more effects than fear
campaigns focused on economic security or the
protection of integrity and the heritage (Dallorso and
Seghezzo, 2015).
The mass media in general and the electronic
networks in particular are sensitive to such an
electoral crossroads that goes from fear to
pacification, propitiating plausibility logics for the
electorate more exposed to the diffusion of images
and a logic of verifiability for the most enlightened
electorate which seeks to contrast information from
various sources to form a criterion (Delameza et al.,
2012).
Some studies show that the establishment of an
agenda and its effect of framing the likelihood or
verifiability are related to the electoral preferences,
the intention to vote and effective suffrage, but do
not delve into the analysis of the attributions in a
consensus scenario.
Other works have focused their interest on the
effects of framing unfavourable news to a region
when evidencing citizen insecurity, but have not
considered the effects of these messages on citizen
expectations of being harmed or benefited by «hard-
line» or «hard-line» policies «zero tolerance».
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Some researchers have shown the associations
between lifestyles and risky behaviours with
scenarios of insecurity or corruption, but have not
established the relationship between these
expectations with their electoral preferences, voting
decisions or effective suffrages.
Therefore, it is necessary to adapt the instrument
that measures the cyber politic culture and adjust it
to the theoretical relations between the expectations
and the intentions of voting in electoral scenarios.
Therefore, there will be significant differences
between the theoretical correlations of expectations
and voting intentions with respect to the empirical
correlations to be observed in the study sample.
Method
The scenario in which it took place was the
municipality of Huehuetoca, State of Mexico, prior to
the elections of 2017, where the electoral preference
was associated with the expectation that the electoral
conjuncture implies with respect to migration,
security and employment. .
A non-experimental, exploratory and cross-cut
quantitative study was carried out. A non-
probabilistic selection of 253 students from a public
university of the State of Mexico was carried out. The
criterion of inclusion-exclusion was to have been
written in the computer lab, to belong to a social
network and to seek information for the preparation
of tasks, works, practices, expositions, dynamics,
and thesis or research reports. 120 were women
(M = 19.5 years of age and SD = 3.15 years) and 133
men (M = 22.5 years of age and SD = 4.26 years).
Governance instrument of the Cyber Political
Culture of Carrn (2016) was used in this work. Two
subscales of perceptions and voting intention of
Carreón (2016) were used. The Consensus
Perceptions Scale included 14 items related to
expected benefits and consensus expectations. The
Voting Intentions Scale included 7 items related to the
election probabilities based on an electoral
preference.
The Delphi technique was used for the
homogenization of the concepts: 1) informative
synthesis, 2) contextualization; 3) comparison of
concepts and 4) integration of elements. Next, expert
judges evaluated the reagents, considering: -1 for
unfavourable information, 0 for unlinked
information, +1 for favourable data, suggesting the
modification or adjustment of the reagents. The
instrument was piloted with a small sample of students
before validation, protecting the dignity and integrity
of the parties involved in writing (see Annex A1 and
A2).
The corresponding permission was requested for
the application of the instrument in the classroom.
Once the students were told that the study would not
affect positively or negatively their partial or final
scores, they proceeded to give them the survey
advising that they had a maximum of 20 minutes to
respond to it. Subsequently, the respondents signed
their informed consent. The data were captured in
the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and
the Analysis of Moments Structures (AMOS) software
in versions 10 and 6.0 respectively.
The multivariate analyses were carried out with
previous requirements of normal distribution,
reliability and validity for which the parameters of
kurtosis, alpha and factorial weight were used. Once
the psychometric properties were established, we
proceeded to estimate the correlations between each
of the eight factors with respect to themselves using
the «phi» statistic. The dependency ratios were
calculated with the parameter «beta» between the
factor and the indicators, as well as the use of the
«epsilo statistic for the relations between
estimation errors and the manifested variables.
Finally, the contrast of the structural model was
performed with the parameters chi square, goodness
of fit and residual.
Results
Table 1 shows alpha values above the minimum
required to establish an internal consistency between
the scales, which in the case of expectations (alpha of
0.893) includes two factors: expected benefits (alpha
of 0.891 and 25% of the variance total explained)
and consensual expectations (alpha of 0.885 with
17% of the total variance explained). In the case of
the intention to vote (alpha of 0.880 and 28% of the
total variance explained).
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Table 1. Descriptions of the instrument.
R = Reactive, M = Mean, SD = Standard Deviation, SW = Swedness,
K = Kurtosis, Crombach’s alpha with values suppressing that of
the item. Extraction method: main axes, rotation promax. Adequacy
and Sphericity [X2 = 324.25 (45 gl) p = 0.000; KMO = 0.672]
F1 = Expected Benefits of the Electoral Contest (25% of the total
variance explained), F2 = Consensus Expectations (17% of the
total variance explained). F3 = Intention to vote (28% of the total
variance explained). Each item has response options such as: 0 =
unlikely, 1 = very unlikely, 2 = unlikely, 3 = probable, 4 = very likely.
Source: Elaborated with the data of the study.
However, the low correlations between item and
factor expressed in factorial weights indicate a simple
factorial structure of oblique type (Table 2).
The correlation between the factors or
dimensions - expected benefits and consensus
expectations of the Consensus Expectations Scale
seems to indicate an association between the expected
benefits of the electoral contests with respect to the
consensus expectations. In this sense, electoral
preferences would be the starting point to activate
the voting intention process, since it is consensus
expectations such as distrust, discontent, denunciation,
responsibility and social division that determine the
intention to vote.
Table 2. Correlations and covariations on the factors and indicators.
F1 = Expected Benefits of the Electoral Contest, F2 = Consensus
Expectations. F3 = Intention to vote: *p < .01; **p < .001; ***p < .0001
Source: self-made.
Finally, the adjustment and residual indicators
[X2 = 214.35 (47 gl) p = 0.007; GFI = 0.990; CFI =
0.997; RMSSEA = 0.001] suggest the acceptance of
the null hypothesis regarding the co-correspondence
between the theoretical relations of the variables
with respect to the findings.
Final Considerations
From an exploratory factorial structure of main
axes and with simple and oblique promax rotation in
which the correlations among the factors of the
Consensus Expectation Scale stand out, the present
work has provided a provisional model to the study
of the electoral preferences and their effects on the
intention to vote.
Non-experimental design and non-probabilistic
selection, however, limit the students’ results to the
public university of the State of Mexico. In this sense,
it is expected to carry out the test of the model in a
representative sample of students from the Mexican
city in order to anticipate the results of the state
elections to be held in 2017 and the federal elections
of 2018.
However, digital networks as a framework of
agendas, advertisements, opinions, preferences and
intentions, represent a small percentage of the
electorate that will participate in the aforementioned
elections. This is because unlike traditional media,
digital networks not only reproduce information but
also produce expectations in potential voters.
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Such a difference between the Internet, television,
radio, the press or cinema makes it necessary to
reflect on the studies of mass communication centred
on the establishment of agenda, the framing effect
and its consequences on the intentions to vote. The
study of the digital networks supposes a differentiation
of sectors even among the users of Facebook, Twitter,
YouTube and Instagram with respect to others of
digital networks.
Therefore, it is necessary to study in greater
depth the study of the similarities and differences of
internet users of digital networks with respect to
potential voters of the elections in question.
From an approach of political culture, understood
as the representations, dispositions, intentions and
behavior of the governed to their rulers and given
the context of the study scenario (Vieira, 2018: p. 46),
it is necessary to reorient the discussion of the findings
regarding the citizen formation as perceptions of
costs and benefits, as well as the construction of
agreements in the prevention of crime, the
procurement of justice and social rehabilitation,
indicators of governance.
That is, in a scenario in which the emergence of
electronic networks have been instrumented to guide
a certain political culture, indicated by the costs and
benefits of voting for an option that is directly related
to security, it is necessary to explore the dimensions
of the formation of that political culture in order to
anticipate scenarios of un-governability; conflicts
between the parties involved and negotiation
mechanisms.
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Annex A1. Evaluation of expert couples on political culture: expectations and
intention of vote
Scale Cultural Policy (ECP-21) measured expectations and voting intentions trait s representations and
reflecting provisions against or in favor of an entity or political agent in relation to a security scenario.
The ECP-21 contains three key dimensions with 7 items each: Expectations of dissent and consensus on
security, expectations of costs and benefits, as well as voting intentions. The purpose of this test is to assess
each area in young adults from a university purple State of Mexico.
Instruction. Reading carefully each of the reagents and answer the correspondence question tem the
posed to the dimension n do is? , mark your answer with an (X) in the corresponding column. Make suggestions
to the subjects if you consider it relevant to improve the item.
Expectations of dissent and consensus: Refers to the tendencies people to observed and attribute to the
authorities a level of security, crime prevention, law enforcement and social rehabilitation disseminated in
electronic networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, WhatsApp, SnapChat or YouTube (Carreón, 2016).
Expectations of costs and benefits derived from security: It refers to the tendency of people to observe,
think and attribute to authorities the consequences of security policies disseminated in digital networks
(Carreón, 2016).
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Intention to vote: It refers to the tendency of people to observe, think and decide to vote for security policy
options disseminated in digital networks (Carreón, 2016).
Annex A2
Dear Student:
The Transdisciplinary Academic Network (ATN for its acronym in English) is conducting an opinion study
about the state elections to be held in the State of Mexico. A representative of our network will give you in
writing the guarantee that your answers will be anonymous and confidential, reminding you that there are no
correct or incorrect answers so we ask you to answer honestly to the following statements, considering:
0 = «not likely»
1 = «very unlikely»
2 = «unlikely»
3 = «probabl
4 = «very likely»
5 = «quite likel
For example: if you consider that «the political parties that advertise the most in the digital networks will
get the vote of the young people», then you will have to cross the box that corresponds to the 5 «quite likely».
Or, if you assume that «the political parties that advertise the most on television will get the vote of the older
adults» then you must cross the same cell, although you may not agree and cross the opposite box.
Any questions or questions regarding the concepts, the pollster will gladly inform you about them.
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Este artículo es citado así:
Martínez-Muñoz, E., M. L. Morales-Flores y C. García-Lirios. 2018. Governance of electoral preferences, consensus and voting
intention. TECNOCIENCIA Chihuahua 12(2):76-85.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.54167/tch.v12i2.147
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and voting intention
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Resumen curricular del autor y coautores
ENRIQUE MARTÍNEZ MUÑOZ. Realizó sus estudios de licenciatura en ingeniería, y el posgrado en la división de ciencias administrativas,
Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Hidalgo, misma institución donde está adscrito como profesor de tiempo completo e investigador
con perfil Promep. Ha desarrollado la línea de investigacn de políticas organizacionales, siendo autor de diversas publicaciones en
revistas indexadas, ponencias en congresos y asesor de tesis de licenciatura y posgrado.
M
ARÍA DE
L
OURDES
M
ORALES
F
LORES
. Llevó a cabo sus estudios de trabajo social en la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de xico, así como
sus posgrados en la materia, cultivando la línea de cultura política y participación ciudadana. Es autora de más de 20 artículos
indexados y revisora de revistas.
CRUZ GARCÍA LIRIOS. Culminó su licenciatura en 2002 y en ese mismo año recibel título de licenciado en psicología social por la
Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, campus Iztapalapa. Realizó estudios de maestría en la Escuela Nacional de Trabajo Social,
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, misma universidad en la que cursó su doctorado en psicología social y ambiental. Desde
2007 esadscrito como profesor de asignatura en la Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, Unidad Académica Profesional
Huehuetoca, Academia de Trabajo Social. Ha desarrollado la línea de investigación en cibercultura política. Ha dirigido tesis de
licenciatura, maestría y doctorado. Es autor de 22 artículos y 14 ponencias, 4 capítulos de libro y ha participado en dos proyectos de
investigación. Es evaluador y revisor de revistas indexadas.